cách chơi slot game_chơi blackjack online_cá độ hợp pháp ở việt nam 2019 https://www.google.com//d17 Canadian politics Sat, 05 Jan 2019 22:16:28 +0000 en hourly 1 http://wordpress.org/?v=3.0.1 Starting 2019 with jazz at the Bluebird 〞 one of the ※top 21 new bars in Toronto§ https://www.google.com//d17/2019/01/starting-2019-with-jazz-at-the-bluebird-%e2%80%94-one-of-the-%e2%80%9ctop-21-new-bars-in-toronto%e2%80%9d/ /d17/2019/01/starting-2019-with-jazz-at-the-bluebird-%e2%80%94-one-of-the-%e2%80%9ctop-21-new-bars-in-toronto%e2%80%9d/#comments Sat, 05 Jan 2019 01:29:13 +0000 Citizen X /d17/?p=22738 It may well be that 2019 proves a difficult year on any number of fronts. But I was lucky enough to spend its first Thursday evening at one of the ※top 21 new bars in Toronto§ (blue bird or The Bluebird, 2072 Dundas St W, at Howard Park).

I was listening to an excellent jazz trio called The Three Chris(s)es (Chris Banks, bass ; Chris Gale, tenor sax ; Chris Wallace, drums).

This Thursday, January 3, 2019 at the blue bird was only the third outing for The Three Chris(s)es. (Each is a master of his instrument and has a now long career on Toronto and beyond musical scenes, in many other settings.) But already it seems clear that they work well together.

Chris Banks lays down a solid foundation for the trio*s musical adventures, but also has an almost melodic approach to his upright string bass. This fits nicely with Chris Gale*s ※lyrical sensibility and soulful approach§ to his 1940s Selmer tenor sax. And this fits with the work of Chris Wallace, who has been aptly called ※a drummer of supreme musicality

What*s missing with just bass, drums, and horn is someone playing the chords, that form the middle of a tune*s harmonic structure for which the bass gives the bottom. (On piano or guitar say.) In the Los Angeles of the early 1950s Gerry Mulligan and Chet Baker nonetheless showed that just bass and drums and horns can work 〞 with the right players and arrangements.

Many years later up in We the North, on January 3, 2019 at the Bluebird, The Three Chris(s)es showed something similar, on such Great American Songbook tunes as ※Darn That Dream§ (Jimmy Van Heusen/Eddie DeLange), and on modern jazz classics like ※My Little Suede Shoes§ (Charlie Parker) and ※Good Bait§ (Tadd Dameron/Count Basie).

The American classical composer Virgil Thomson (1896每1989) once called jazz a ※persecuted chamber music.§ This has positive as well as various negative connotations (to my mind at any rate). And something about the small and intimate blue bird bar (and its excellent staff) brought out these positive connotations for me.

The jazz played by The Three Chris(s)es is very hip ※chamber music.§ But if you really like to listen to the music you hear it brings similar high-minded rewards.

At a time when so many low-minded impulses are competing for our attention, listening to? Chris Banks, Chris Gale, and Chris Wallace contemplate some of the good things America has given to the wider world was at least a great beginning to 2019.

Who really knows what will follow over the next 12 months in the same wider world? But if you do find the year is starting to get you down, remember that one of the ※top 21 new bars in Toronto§ 〞 the blue bird, 2072 Dundas St W, at Howard Park (not far from the Dundas West subway stop) 〞 has first-class live music every Thursday night, from 8 to 11 PM.

From my own point of view, eg, the tenor sax of Chris Gale will be returning January 17, 2019 (this time with Brendan Davis on bass and Ted Quinlan on guitar). And on January 31 Irene Harrett on bass and Chris Platt on guitar will accompany the tenor sax of Ms Chelsea McBride, who ※performs everything from straight ahead jazz classics to original compositions influenced equally by jazz and pop music.§

So … if my own sanity seems threatened by any of the current White House occupants, the Alberta provincial and Canadian federal elections, or god knows what else in many different parts of the world (the Australian federal election eg, or Chinese detention of Canadian visitors and vice-versa), I now know of one place I can go to seek relief. And I can recommend the brand to others. As was wisely said long ago, by various learned and other authorities : ※Jazz is the music of democracy§ (which we need more than ever just now).

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Our top 10 counterweights articles for that strange year 2018 (and happy new year to an even stranger 2019 ??) https://www.google.com//d17/2018/12/our-top-10-counterweights-articles-for-that-strange-year-2018-and-happy-new-year-to-an-even-stranger-2019/ /d17/2018/12/our-top-10-counterweights-articles-for-that-strange-year-2018-and-happy-new-year-to-an-even-stranger-2019/#comments Mon, 31 Dec 2018 20:25:17 +0000 Counterweights Editors /d17/?p=22723 At the end of this annual exercise for this (even unusually?) strange year we suddenly realize that our deepest recent preoccupations have been quite local 〞 north of the North American Great Lakes, on the northwest shore of Lake Ontario.

We may have been seeking refuge (albeit in vain) from the larger wild and crazy events in such related larger democracies as France, the United Kingdom, and the United States (to say nothing of Mexico, or Australia, or Narendra Modi*s India, or Doug Ford*s Ontario, John Horgan*s BC, Rachel Notley*s Alberta, or Fran?ois Legault*s Quebec!).

For broader Canadian commentary we recommend the excellent Angus Reid Top 10 Stories of 2018. (※Story 1 每 Ford Nation takes Ontario, Story 2 每 The TransMountain pipeline saga, Story 3 每 The New NAFTA, Story 4 每 Poverty a problem, Canadians want more from government, Story 5 每 The Opioid Crisis, Story 6 每 Future of Saudi relations, Story 7 每 Immigration and Asylum Seekers, Story 8 每 Indigenous Issues divide country, Story 9 每 Carbon Pricing Tension, Story 10 每 The #MeToo Movement.§)

Here is our own unusually local ※top 10 counterweights articles for that strange year 2018§ :

1. Sunday Bloody Sunday with the Ontario Progressive Conservatives, Jan 29th, 2018.

2. Jill Lepore*s three lectures in Toronto .. in the shadow of the new Ontario Progressive Conservative leader Doug Ford, Mar 21st, 2018.

3. Putting David Livingston in jail is what*s harmful to the future of parliamentary democracy in Ontario, Apr 11th, 2018.

4. Toronto van killings : strong city that ignores painful truths joins real global village at last, May 2nd, 2018.

5. Ontario election 2018, VI : Donald Trump clone inevitable after all north of North American Great Lakes, Jun 8th, 2018.

6. Happy Canada Day 2018 : Electing the Governor General could make a lot of sense in the 21st century,? Jul 1st, 2018.

7. Toronto Danforth Shooter : strong city that still ignores painful truths still joining real global village at last, Jul 27th, 2018.

8. O Cannabis .. and the looming midterm elections in the USA today, Oct 17th, 2018.

9. Happy 100 First World War Armistice .. a view from the northern woods, Nov 11th, 2018.

10. Can Justin Trudeau be defeated Oct 21, 2019 (& what do Lester Pearson and early Pierre Trudeau say) ??,? Dec 27th, 2018.

We end with not only our most recent article, but one that raises the clearly largest Canada-wide? political issue of 2019 〞 the Canadian federal election on October 21, 2019!

On this site we will be focusing as well on two other elections 〞 the Canadian provincial election in Alberta, that under current law must ※be held between March 1 and May 30,§ and the Australian federal election which ※must be held by 18 May 2019 for half of the State Senators and on or before 2 November 2019 for the House of Representatives and Territory Senators.§

May the best candidates in all three contests win. (A lame wish no doubt, but at least high-minded!) May the coming 12 months bring everyone everywhere on planet earth at least some good news, along with all the bad news and fake news and god-knows-what-else that seems to loom ahead. And, whatever else, look for the silver lining and Happy New Year 2019.

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Can Justin Trudeau be defeated Oct 21, 2019 (& what do Lester Pearson and early Pierre Trudeau say) ?? https://www.google.com//d17/2018/12/can-justin-trudeau-be-defeated-oct-21-2019-what-do-lester-pearson-and-early-pierre-trudeau-say/ /d17/2018/12/can-justin-trudeau-be-defeated-oct-21-2019-what-do-lester-pearson-and-early-pierre-trudeau-say/#comments Fri, 28 Dec 2018 00:35:46 +0000 Counterweights Editors /d17/?p=22707

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau shakes hands with members of the Canadian Armed Forces serving on the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Gao, Mali, Saturday December 22, 2018. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld.

One counterweights item from the year now ending that has seen fresh visits in the most recent past is Randall White*s ※Can Justin Trudeau be defeated in the next Canadian federal election?,§ first posted back on May 8, 2018.

In the new age of fixed-date elections (sort of) the campaign for the 43rd Canadian federal contest on October 21, 2019 has already begun. (And note the December 16, 2018 Canadian Press report ※Trudeau rules out early election, 2019 federal vote to go ahead on Oct. 21.§)

As it happens, we recently had a chance to ask the estimable Dr White how he sees Justin Trudeau and the election this coming October now, at the very end of 2018.

Just last week he finally dropped off the latest installment of his work in progress, now tentatively known as? Children of the Global Village : Democracy in Canada Since 1497.

Lester Pearson who, among many other things, gave Canada its own flag at last in 1965! Photo : Winnipeg Free Press.

More exactly, the chapter 1 of the final Part IV he handed in for initial digital publishing this past December 23, 2018 is called ※Canadian flag to Parti Qu谷b谷cois government, 1963每1976

It deals with the Lester Pearson and early Pierre Trudeau governments in Ottawa 〞 which arguably began the present great age of ※Democracy in Canada Since 1497,§ and so forth.

Spending so much time over the past months mentally re-living the early 1960s to the middle of the 1970s, Randall White concedes, has affected his thinking on the fate of Justin Trudeau in 2019. Will it, eg, be like the fate of his father in 1972 or 1974?

Dr White went on : ※In 1972 Pierre Elliott Trudeau almost lost his second election 〞 and finally only hung on with a Liberal minority government, dependent on David Lewis*s New Democrats in parliament. In 1974 the elder Trudeau (with the help of Justin Trudeau*s mother, legend has it) easily enough won another majority government.§

Mr. White also noted two different polling exercises, both reporting as of December 21, 2018. The first is 谷ric Grenier*s Federal Poll Tracker on the CBC News site. The second is ※Canada*s political mood as 2018 comes to an end,§ by Bruce Anderson and David Coletto at Abacus Data.

Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau carries son Justin from the destroyer Restigouche in Powell River during a 1976 visit to BC. STEVE BOSCH.

Both these year-end polling exercises suggest that we Canadian politics junkies can still look forward to a competitive election, with the Liberals and Conservatives as the primary players. But in the end Justin Trudeau*s Liberals still seem to have the edge. For now at least.

As Anderson and Coletto explain : ※our latest data shows tight races in BC and Ontario, strong? Conservative leads in Alberta and Saskatchewan, and significant Liberal leads in Quebec and Atlantic Canada.§

At the same time : ※While party voting intentions show a one-point gap, preferred Prime Minister reveals a 16-point advantage for Mr. Trudeau over Mr. Scheer.§ More generally : ※Thanks to large leads in Quebec and Atlantic Canada and a competitive position in BC and Ontario, the Liberals still have the advantage over the Conservatives.§

谷ric Grenier*s latest Federal Poll Tracker averages (as of December 21, 2018) similarly show the party voting intentions close. (In this case Lib 36%, Con 34%, NDP 17%, Green 6% in round numbers.) But when the much more efficient (ie more geographically dispersed) Liberal vote is factored into the seat projections, the Trudeau Liberals still have five more seats than they need for a bare majority!

Latest additions to California technical staff, 2018.

For further intelligence on the current scene Dr. White also recommends Mitchell Anderson*s December 20, 2018 item on the excellent Tyee site from BC : ※Alberta vs. Canada? … Feeling unsupported, some Albertans want to go it alone. Let*s explore that

We ourselves can equally recommend Randall White*s own ※Canadian flag to Parti Qu谷b谷cois government, 1963每1976.§ For more detail on the larger project of which it is a part go to ※The Long Journey to a Canadian Republic§ on the bar at the top of this page, or just CLICK HERE.

Meanwhile, we counterweights editors join with our colleague Randall White and everyone else connected with this site (in Canada editorially and California technically too) in wishing all who come this way a very Happy New Year 2019!

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Canadian flag to Parti Qu谷b谷cois government, 1963每1976 https://www.google.com//d17/2018/12/canadian-flag-to-parti-quebecois-government-1963%e2%80%931976/ /d17/2018/12/canadian-flag-to-parti-quebecois-government-1963%e2%80%931976/#comments Sun, 23 Dec 2018 23:45:59 +0000 Randall White /d17/?p=22671 Some would characterize the Nobel Peace Prize winner Lester ※Mike§ Pearson*s comparatively short prime ministerial career (1963每68) as the time when Canada*s long-incubating federal welfare state achieved its ultimate modern fruition. Others would allude to one of ※the most influential commissions in Canadian history, the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963每69),§ which ※brought about sweeping changes to federal and provincial language policy.§

Yet for Mackenzie King*s nation-building legacy and the growth of modern Canadian democracy, Prime Minister Pearson*s ultimate contribution was almost certainly the? maple leaf flag that would officially (and ※legally§) become the symbol of Canada as an independent member state of the modern United Nations, on February 15, 1965.

Mackenzie King himself had tried two earlier gentle explorations of an independent Canadian flag 〞 in the middle of the 1920s and then again in the middle of the 1940s. Neither had succeeded to anyone*s satisfaction. But King did bequeath some interim official status for the ※red ensign,§ with a British Union Jack in the top left hand corner (or canton) and a Canadian coat of arms in the fly. Various versions of this British red ensign had served as an unofficial Canadian flag of sorts since the late 19th century 〞 much as British blue ensigns came to (and still) serve similar purposes in Canada*s fellow dominions of Australia and New Zealand.

Lester Pearson had already speculated about Canada*s future as a republic in the dark days after the fall of France in June 1940 (within earshot of his then fellow diplomat Charles Ritchie at any rate). But he did not exactly propose the red and white Canadian maple leaf flag that became a legal fact of life in February 1965 as a republican symbol. According to the historian J.L. Granatstein, it was his Suez Crisis days that finally convinced Pearson Canada must have a flag of its own.

Members of Canadian House of Commons with new Canadian flag during flag debate, 1964. These supporters are Liberals (and New Democrats). But the official portrait in the background is of Robert Borden, Conservative PM, 1911每1920.

As explained by a peacekeeping website today, ※Egyptian President Nasser objected to Canadian troops for the UNEF peacekeeping force§ Lester Pearson had invented, partly because ※Canada*s flag, the Red Ensign§ had ※a? British Union Jack in the corner.§ And Britain was one of the contending parties that the force was meant to keep peaceful. On the purest Granatstein thesis, then and there Mike Pearson resolved that he would give Canada its own flag as an independent country, if and when he became prime minister. When this did happen in the election of April 8, 1963, that is what he proceeded to do.

(Albeit also on a wave of popular enthusiasm 〞 as suggested by a 1958 opinion poll reporting that more than 80% of Canadians ※wanted a national flag entirely different than that of any other nation.§ The cause was supported as well by the Tommy Douglas New Democrats, who gave Pearson*s first Liberal minority government 1963每65 its majority in parliament. And, whatever else, the flag started to tell the world that the Canadian people ultimately ruled, in what the Constitution Act, 1982 would finally allude to as the ※free and democratic society§ in Canada today.)

La R谷volution tranquille in Quebec (and the rest of Canada too)

In one sense Canada in the 1960s and 1970s just followed larger trends in the increasingly discernible ※global village§ that Marshall McLuhan wrote about in The Gutenberg Galaxy (1962) and Understanding Media (1964).

In other ways Canadian developments had crucial local roots. And? much that was interesting and finally forward-looking 〞 as well as sometimes annoying and worse 〞 began in ※La belle province§ (the motto on Quebec automobile licence plates until 1978, when it was replaced by ※Je me souviens§).

※La R谷volution tranquille§ (the Quiet Revolution) is customarily dated from the victory of Jean Lesage*s Quebec Liberal party in the June 22, 1960 provincial election 〞 following the death of the right-wing? Union Nationale leader Maurice Duplessis in 1959. But what the revolution finally led to in the middle of the 1970s could also be said to have begun with Duplessis*s invention of a distinctive Quebec flag in 1948. (And that arguably even served as an additional inspiration for Lester Pearson*s distinctive Canadian flag in 1965.)

The Quiet Revolution soon included a growing Quebec ※sovereigntist§ movement, culminating with the birth of the provincial Parti Qu谷b谷cois in 1968, led by the former Liberal quiet revolutionary Ren谷 L谷vesque. The movement was also inspired by the transformation of the global British empire that created the Republic of India in 1950, the west African independent state of Ghana in 1957, the independent Caribbean state of Trinidad and Tobago in 1962,? and the independent east African state of Kenya in 1963. (To cite just a few examples.)

Meanwhile, the extremist revolutionary Front de lib谷ration du Qu谷bec (FLQ) established in 1963 was inspired in some degree by the Front de lib谷ration nationale (FLN), established in 1954 in the freedom-seeking French colony of Algeria. (See, eg, The Battle of Algiers 〞 ※a 1966 Italian-Algerian historical war film … based on events during the Algerian War [1954每62] against the French government in North Africa.§)

When Andr谷 Siegfried? 〞 ※the preeminent French geographer of his generation§ (Canadian Encyclopedia) 〞 published Le Canada. Les deux races. Probl豕mes politiques contemporains in Paris in 1906, he believed that the global British empire would remain some form of essential? political framework for both English-and-French-speaking Canada for a very long time ahead. But that was before the initial creative destruction of the First World War, and then the gradual dismantling of European empires everywhere that followed the end of the Second World War in 1945.

On the ultimate post-colonial trajectory, the October Crisis of 1970 in Canada began ※with the kidnapping of James Cross, the British trade commissioner in Montr谷al,§ by members of the FLQ. In its extremist revolutionary depths, it was the already deconstructing British empire that the Quebec sovereigntist movement most ardently yearned to escape from, not exactly the Canadian confederation of 1867.

Even Ren谷 L谷vesque*s parliamentary democratic Parti Qu谷b谷cois arm of the movement did not quite want ※independence§ for the Canadian province of Quebec. On the new PQ scenario what had finally become Canada*s largest province geographically, with a French-speaking majority, and longstanding French civil rather than English common law, wanted ※sovereignty 〞 and at the same time to maintain with Canada an economic association.§ (And in the 1980s and 1990s it would become clear that for many sovereigntists the ※association§ had more than strictly economic sides, as an already long and deep ※histoire canadienne§ might suggest!)

* * * *

In the 1960s and 1970s the barest beginnings of parallel aspirations for liberation from the old British empire and what Ren谷 L谷vesque called the ※colonized mind§ also put down roots in the (predominantly) English-speaking rest of Canada outside Quebec. The new maple leaf flag of February 15, 1965 was just a leading edge.

(And in a related? sidebar, Eamon de Valera, 81-year-old ceremonial president of a still rather new Irish Republic, visited Canada during the flag debate of 1964, in a ※coda to an official visit to the United States.§ He sympathized with Lester Pearson and advised : ※To get a flag accepted, you have to have blood on it. You have to have waved it fighting somebody … You really ought to take your flag down to the American border 〞? it*s not very far away 〞 and get some of your friends on the other side to take some shots at it, and if you get somebody to be mildly wounded, that will make all the difference.§ According to a much later report in the Montreal Gazette, ※Pearson thought the old man was joking. Perhaps he was.§)

The rather elaborately celebrated centennial of the 1867 confederation on July 1, 1967 was a kind of booster for the embryonic? Canadian patriotism of the new maple leaf flag. At the same time, the? flag debate in the Canadian House of Commons in 1964 pitted the Pearson Liberals and the Douglas New Democrats, who supported the new flag, against the Diefenbaker Progressive Conservatives (outside Quebec), who felt the old Canadian red ensign with the British Union Jack in the canton was as good a flag as Canada needed.

Much of the English-speaking Canadian identity beyond francophone Quebec (and, some would similarly stress, the multicultural Canadian M谷tis, coast to coast to coast), was still focused on some hybrid? ※British American§ heritage, rooted in what was still legally and constitutionally a creation of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, still known as the British North America Act, 1867.

Mitchell Sharp (l) and Lester Pearson (r) on steps of BC Legislative Buildings in Victoria, c. 1965.

Mitchell Sharp, who served in the Liberal cabinets of both Lester Pearson and his successor Pierre Trudeau, was a Canadian republican. As he later explained in a memoir, he strongly believed ※that Canada should have its own head of state who is not shared by others§ 〞 while continuing ※to model our system of government on that of Britain.§ (As, eg, in the 1960s parliamentary democratic republics of India and Ireland.)

Sharp also noted in his memoir, published in 1994 : ※My views on the monarchy were well-known to my colleagues in both the Pearson and Trudeau cabinets. They were also known to some others. So far, however, I have obviously failed to rally a significant following. One would think that my views would have appealed to French Canadians like Trudeau. Perhaps they did. But, he did not act on them.§

* * * *

One key ingredient in what the political scientist Frederick Vaughan would? much later call Canada*s ※reluctant republic,§ born at last ever so quietly in the 1960s, was the cold-war politics of the USA next door.

The first wave of Harold Innis*s friendly new American imperialism (※made plausible and attractive in part by the insistence that it is not imperialistic§) arose in the immediate wake of the Second World War. It had already drawn even Mackenzie King somewhat closer to the British monarchy in his last years, as a kind of cultural hedge against manifestly destined annexation at last by the rising new global empire that insisted it was not an empire, headquartered in Washington, DC.

The Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962 and then the US Congress*s August 1964 Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (which led to major US involvement in Vietnam) stiffened the pressures from down south that both Diefenbaker and Pearson lived with. Even the Lester Pearson who insisted on an? independent Canadian flag still sometimes found himself alluding positively to Canada*s traditional attachments to a Queen Elizabeth II still in her late 30s and early 40s, who lived in palaces across the seas.

Canada did not join the US military mission in Vietnam. (It provided a home away from home for draft-dodging refugees from the USA instead.) In April 1965 Prime Minister Pearson gave a speech at Temple University in Philadelphia, ※suggesting a pause in the bombing of North Vietnam.§ As explained by the historian Brendan Kelly, this ※enraged United States President Lyndon B. Johnson, who in private the next day at Camp David strongly rebuked the Canadian prime minister.§ (According to a more flamboyant legend, Johnson grabbed? Pearson by his suit-coat lapels and shouted in his face : ※You pissed on my carpet.§)

Meanwhile, as Alexander Brady had underlined in Democracy in the Dominions, even beyond the unique North American society of francophone Quebec, the emerging new and altogether independent Canada was a geographically vast country of several major regions. Moving east to west, there was Atlantic Canada (complicated in its own right with the addition of Newfoundland in 1949). Then there was the unique society in the second most populous province of Quebec, and then the most populous province of Ontario (a place of regions in its own right).

Cartoon from a 1990 Canadian Geographic article, explaining ※How Canada lost its &Dominion*§ in the 1960s and 1970s, and noting how, among many other things : ※The Dominion Bureau of Statistics became Statistics Canada.§

Then there were the three vast Prairie provinces of Western Canada, and then Canada*s Pacific Coast in British Columbia, increasingly just known as BC. (And then there were the still more predominantly Indigenous far northern territories, stretching all the way to the North Pole.)

Each region had its own ideas about independent Canadian identities. By the 1960s early post-colonial stirrings among First Nations, and increasingly diverse migrations from all over the emerging wider global village, were already starting to add further complications.

Yet in the midst of all this the new flag was not the only sign of a fading old first self-governing British dominion. For various inquiring minds, coast to coast to coast, something significant was quietly afoot, eg, in 1971, when the Dominion Bureau of Statistics in Ottawa was renamed Statistics Canada. (Here as elsewhere there is from the start a somewhat different journey in French 〞 from Bureau f谷d谷ral de la statistique to? Statistique Canada. And in all 10 provinces, as in the case of the flag again, at first some were for the change, and some were not.)

Economic development and the federal-provincial welfare state

There were economic nationalist sides to the new patriotism of the maple leaf flag (and the quiet resistence to the new imperialism next door).

Walter Gordon, who had chaired the Royal Commission on Canada’s Economic Prospects, with all its worries about growing foreign (and especially US) ownership in the Canadian economy, was Pearson*s Minister of Finance from 1963 to 1965. His ※1963 budget proposal for a tax on takeovers of Canadian firms,§ however, ※was withdrawn under pressure, and his influence in Cabinet waned until his resignation after [the] general election of November 1965§ (Canadian Encyclopedia).

The Pearson Liberals had clearly enough defeated the Diefenbaker Conservatives on April 8, 1963 〞 in both popular vote percentage and number of seats in the Canadian House of Commons. But (especially with four active parties) they had not quite managed a governing majority of seats. One exotic rumour claimed six Social Credit MPs had signed an agreement to vote with the new Pearson government. But this was denied by both sides. The 17 New Democrat MPs would support the government*s progressive legislation in any case.

Yet life would still have been easier if the Liberals had a majority in the House. And soon enough the new flag and pioneering pension legislation renewed the old natural governing party*s faith (or, others would say, arrogance). By the late summer of 1965 finance minister Walter Gordon (not yet bereft of all influence), progressive policy guru Tom Kent, and political rainmaker Keith Davey were urging Prime Minister Pearson to call a fresh election. They were confident the Liberals could now win a majority. After a cabinet meeting with only one dissenting voice, the election was called for November 8, 1965.

During the campaign Lester Pearson enthused :? ※We Canadians … have built out of this northern part of the continent one country 〞 from ocean to ocean 〞 from the southern border to the Arctic sea … And we are going to keep it Canadian … a strong, a separate state that shares a continent and counts in the world.§

The words moved some Canadians. Yet, as gifted as he was in other ways, Mike Pearson was no retail politician. Meanwhile, the new leader of the Social Credit party in Quebec, R谷al Caouette, wildly ※charged that the government had made a commitment to conscript 100,000 Canadians for Vietnam.§ Some in John Diefenbaker*s own party were unhappy that he was still Progressive Conservative leader. But he was also still a born campaigner. In 1965 he was the prairie populist star of the last big whistle-stop railway tour in Canadian political history. In the end the Liberals managed to win only two more seats 〞? another two seats short of even a bare majority in the House. The New Democrats had nonetheless won four new seats. And the government*s reform agenda remained intact.

* * * *

Walter Gordon*s aggressive economic nationalism faded from the Ottawa mainstream after the 1965 election, under particular pressure from the Canada-US Auto Pact in Ontario, and the growth of the Alberta oil and gas industry (which ※more than tripled between 1960 and 1973§).

The 1965 Auto Pact was another response to the transformation of the global British empire after the Second World War. Despite its role in regionalist legends, the domestic market in Canada was never large enough to sustain the ※Canadian-American§ manufacturing sector that developed in central Canada after the First World War. In the 1920s Toronto newspaper ads for General Motors of Canada had explained that exports to the global British empire ※swell … production to a point far beyond the possible demands of our home market alone.§

As the heyday of all European empires waned in the 1960s, the Auto Pact*s effective integration of automobile production in the United States and Canada compensated for falling British empire markets with the vast and rising, world-leading American domestic market right next door.

Strictly Canadian financial interests similarly fell short in the growth of the rapidly expanding oil and gas industry in Alberta 〞 a logical enough ※Canadian-American§ extension of the booming 1960s US oil industry focused on Texas. And here, as in manufacturing back east, US ※foreign investment§ was shaped by Canadian public policy.

The Diefenbaker government had established a ※National Oil Policy§ in 1961. Consumers east of the Ottawa River between Ontario and Quebec ※would be supplied with oil products made from imported crude.§ Consumers west of the river ※would? rely solely on Canadian-produced oil.§ As later explained by Andr谷 Plourde at the University of Alberta : ※By curbing imports into Ontario,§ the policy ※acted to boost the average price of Canadian-produced oil,§ and strengthened? ※access to markets in Ontario and the United States. As a result, oil production grew sharply.§

Then in September 1973? 〞 ※a few weeks before the onset of the Yom Kippur War that would arguably lead to the first world oil price shock§ 〞 Pierre Trudeau*s federal government ※announced its intention to exercise its constitutional powers, first to curb oil and gas exports, and second to regulate the prices of these commodities sold on markets outside of the provinces of production.§ The Trudeau government had ※also announced its intention to create a national petroleum company.§ It was up and running by 1975, under the brand name Petro Canada.

* * * *

In the mid 1960s Kari Levitt, an economist at McGill University in Montreal with a special interest in the Caribbean, ※was asked by the New Democratic Party of Canada to develop a position paper on the issue of foreign ownership.§ Her book Silent Surrender, first published in 1970, grew out of this position paper.

Meanwhile, earlier economic nationalist currents took on their own new forms. In 1970 Walter Gordon and three associates founded the Committee for an Independent Canada. In the same year the McGill University economist Kari Levitt 〞 daughter of the Viennese journalist Karl Polanyi, whose 1944 book The Great Transformation argued that ※the market society is not a naturally occurring phenomenon§ 〞 published Silent Surrender? : The Multinational Corporation in Canada.

Silent Surrender predicted ※that the ultimate consequence of relinquishing control of the Canadian economy to United States business interests would be political disintegration through the balkanization of the country and its eventual piecemeal absorption into the American imperial system.§ In response to all such criticism Pierre Trudeau’s Liberal federal government established a Canada Development Corporation (CDC) in 1971 (※to buy back the country§ some said), and then a Foreign Investment Review Agency (FIRA) in 1973.

And then again, even in the 1970s there was Canadian ※foreign investment§ in the United States, as well as US foreign investment in Canada. Four decades later the CN Rail successor to Canadian National Railways had become ※the only transcontinental rail network in North America,§ stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific up north, and all the way down the Mississippi valley to the Gulf of Mexico in the south. (An echo of the old French-American empire at its mid-18th century height!)

Still later again when the US Republican Senator from Arizona Jeff Flake urged the benefits of close Canada-US economic ties on his fellow citizens in 2018, he noted that ※Canadian companies operating in the United States directly employ more than 500,000 Americans.§

* * * *

In 1968 the Peter C. Newman who had reported on the Diefenbaker regime with Renegade in Power in 1963 published a parallel study of the subsequent five years, aptly called The Distemper of Our Times.

Without thinking too much about it, Canada like many other parts of an emerging new global village was starting to change in some profound ways. And neither the old-school populist orator John Diefenbaker nor the postwar UN intellectual and bow-tie bureaucrat, Lester ※Mike§ Pearson, seemed even inexactly suited to the 1960s.

Yet several decades later, in the early 21st century, when a Canadian policy journal ※asked historians, political scientists, public service mandarins and journalists to choose the best prime minister of the last half of the twentieth century, Pearson easily took first place.§

Beyond the strictly symbolic maple leaf flag, a big part of this eminence flows from Lester Pearson*s role in the consummation of a modern federal-provincial welfare state in Canada, over his almost exactly five short years as prime minister (22 April 1963 〞? 20 April 1968).

One key ingredient was a Canada Pension Plan (and a largely identical? but separate Quebec Pension Plan), which took effect in 1966. This built on almost four decades of public policy development, starting with the Mackenzie King regime*s Old Age Pension of 1927, which had ※provided the elderly poor with some relief.§

Along the way the process included a 1951 amendment to the 1867 BNA Act (still passed by the UK parliament, at the request of the Canadian parliament). It allowed ※the federal government to pass the Old Age Security Act.§ This took effect in January 1952, and ※established a federally funded pension for all men and women 70 years of age and over.§

Even in the 1950s, however, ※retirement still meant a drastically reduced standard of living for many people.§ By the 1960s there was ※growing public and political support for a universal, employment-based pension plan that would be portable from job to job.§

As explained by the Canadian Museum of History, the ※provinces agreed to another Constitutional amendment to extend federal government powers beyond legislation that applied only to old age.§

And then ※the contributory Canada Pension Plan (CPP) and Quebec Pension Plan (QPP) were established in 1966.§ Recipients ※received benefits based on the amount they contributed§ 〞 and on when they chose to start receiving benefits, from 60 to70 years old today.

(A notable wrinkle in the scheme was much later explained by policy analysts R. Kent Weaver and Daniel B谷land : ※Successive Quebec [provincial] governments used pension surpluses§ from the QPP ※to feed the newly created Caisse de d谷p?t et placement du Qu谷bec, an institutional asset manager that served as a key tool for provincial economic development in pursuit of the statist project of the Quiet Revolution.§)

* * * *

The Pearson government also carried on with the broadening and reform of Canadian immigration policy begun by John Diefenbaker*s first Canadian woman cabinet minister, Ellen Fairclough. By 1967 all forms of cultural, ethnic, geographic, or racial requirements for new immigrants were dropped, and Canada adopted the culturally neutral points-based system for assessing immigration applicants still in use today.

With the Canada Assistance Plan that began in 1966, Ottawa? stepped up its support for growing provincial social welfare programs as well. On yet another front, the Canada Student Loan Plan that began in 1964 provided federal help for post-secondary education across the country.

The ultimate ingredient of the Canadian federal-provincial welfare state that crystallized in the last half of the 1960s was a public health care system, operated by the provinces (constitutionally responsible under the 1867 BNA Act) but funded in part by Ottawa.

John Diefenbaker was born in this iconic Southwestern Ontario farmhouse in 1895, but his family moved to what is now Saskatchewan in 1903. Much later as prime minister, he played a role in the birth of public health care in Canada, when he appointed his old law school classmate Emmett Hall to chair The Royal Commission on Health Services in 1961.

The federal government initially paid ※about half of Medicare costs in any province with insurance plans that met the criteria of being universal, publicly administered, portable and comprehensive.§? The starting date for the federal program was July 1, 1968.? By ※1971 all provinces had established plans which met the criteria.§

Over the next several decades the federal share of provincial health care expenditures would not stay at ※about half.§ (It ranged around only 20% in the early 21st century.) Canadian public health care had similarly been pioneered in the early 1960s by the ※first socialist government in North America,§ in the province of Saskatchewan shaped for 17 long years by Premier Tommy Douglas (1944每1961).

At the other end of the ideological spectrum, it was the Diefenbaker Progressive Conservative government that appointed the Hall Commission, to study medical insurance in Canada in 1961. As in the more general case, the federal-provincial welfare or service state that crystallized under the Pearson Liberals in the later 1960s had deeper nonpartisan roots.

The first incarnation of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and the Quebec provincial election of 1976

One of Lester Pearson*s further contributions to the growth of an independent Canadian democracy did include his intellectual grasp? of the? changing real world in francophone Quebec 〞 and the fresh political relevance of the stubborn ※French fact§ in Canada at large.

Pearson*s high-minded virtues here had practical political sides as well. And they helped persuade ※Three Wise Men§ from Quebec to run (and win seats) for the Liberals in the 1965 federal election : Jean Marchand, G谷rard Pelletier, and Pierre Elliott Trudeau (also known as ※les trois colombes§ or three doves in French).

The alphabetical third of the wise men would have by far the greatest impact. His unique background played a part. In the new automobile age after the First World War Pierre Trudeau*s unusual French Canadian businessman father had? built a chain of gas and? repair stations in Quebec. Selling to larger corporate interests in the depression depths of 1932 led to a subsequent career as an investor in Canadian mines, a major amusement park, and the Montreal Royals ※Triple A§ baseball team.

A (probably) 13-year-old Pierre Elliott Trudeau (left ) with the Montreal family he grew up in, leaving on a trip to Europe in 1933. From left to right 〞 his mother, Grace Elliott, his younger brother, Charles Jr., his father, Charles-谷mile Trudeau, and his older sister, Suzette.

Even when he died unusually early, at 48, the entrepreneurial Charles-谷mile Trudeau had left his wife and three children financially independent. His elder son Pierre Elliott Trudeau (whose mother Grace Elliott had an ※English§ or more exactly Scottish father and a ※French§ mother) was only 15. Yet he thought: ※all of a sudden, I was more or less the head of a family … it seemed to me that I had to take over.§

More than 30 years later, at ※”the most chaotic, confusing, and emotionally draining convention in Canadian political history§(Globe and Mail) 〞 held on April 6, 1968 at a still quite new Ottawa Civic Centre 〞? Pierre Elliott Trudeau became leader of the Liberal Party of Canada, ※with the support of 51% [of the] delegates on the fourth ballot.§

From the start Pierre Trudeau was a controversial Liberal leader and head of government. Despite his father*s impressive career, the strongly pro-business right wing of his own party never liked the first Prime Minister Trudeau. The feeling was widely enough shared, especially among conservatives on the prairies and sovereigntists in his own province. Yet in his late 40s he was the unusual left-wing intellectual son of a right-wing francophone businessman. He was also an athletic? lawyer and urbane, well-travelled native of Montreal who seemed to fit the 1960s like a glove. In strategic parts of the body politic ※Trudeaumania§ seized the electorate.

Lester Pearson resigned as prime minister. The new Liberal leader formed a new government, and called an election for June 25, 1968.? It was the Canadian democratic moment when airplanes and TV finally replaced? the old railways and newspapers in communicating with voters.

On election night the Progressive Conservatives, now led by the dour Robert Stanfield from a wealthy Nova Scotia family of clothing manufacturers, took at least the plurality of the popular vote in all four Atlantic provinces, and in Saskatchewan and Alberta. The Trudeau Liberals did the same or better in Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, and BC (which together had more than three-quarters of the Canada-wide population).

The Liberals* new charismatic leader (now treated by crowds ※like a Beatle,§ his sister was astonished to see) did at that moment seem especially suited to his? time and place. At last Canada*s self-appointed old natural governing party won another majority government 〞 with 45%+ of the cross-country popular vote and? more than 20 seats to spare.

* * * *

The Pierre Trudeau Liberals* first four years in office, 1968每1972, add up to a puzzling mix of achievement and confusion 〞 perhaps not unlike the story of Marshall McLuhan*s wider global village during the same period.

To start with, as his biographer John English has explained, one of the new Liberal leader*s early boasts was that he ※brought French power to Canada 〞 and he remained immensely proud of this achievement, even though it later became a political burden.§ Pierre Elliott Trudeau*s decision to move into George-谷tienne Cartier*s old confederation-era office rather than John A. Macdonald*s signalled his initial passion on this front.

Yet here as elsewhere, much of what Trudeau brought to fruition had been started by Lester Pearson. The Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism began its work in 1963 under Pearson*s government. The Official Languages Act that made the Canadian federal government ※officially bilingual§ took effect under Trudeau in September 1969.

(Section 133 of the British North America Act, 1867 had long provided for the use of both English and French in the federal parliament at Ottawa and the provincial legislature of Quebec. The 1969? Act further? provided that all Canadians had a right to federal services in both languages, and that both English and French were equal as languages of work within the federal public service, in designated? regions of the country where both languages were in significant popular use. New Brunswick, with its large Acadian population, also passed legislation making it the only officially bilingual province in 1969.)

Bilingualism, however, was one thing. Pierre Trudeau (flawlessly bilingual himself in both languages) was less enthused about the concept of English-French ※biculturalism§ in the 1963 Commission*s mandate. He was more interested in making all of Canada more hospitable to the French language, than he was in making Quebec a place where French was as dominant as English was in the rest of the country.

The growing numbers of old and new Canadian citizens whose increasingly diverse old-world backgrounds were neither French nor English were also frequent Liberal supporters in elections. In October 1971 Prime Minister Trudeau announced that the federal government was adopting ※multiculturalism§ as official policy. Ottawa would be officially bilingual and multicultural, not bilingual and bicultural.

This ※official multicultural§ policy 〞 along with the altogether race-and-culture-blind immigration policy the federal government finally adopted in 1967 (under another wise man from Quebec, citizenship and immigration minister Jean Marchand) 〞 would have profound implications over the next several decades. At the same time, and here as elsewhere again, Pierre Trudeau at his best was more of a catalyst for constructive but only gradually evolving new policy directions, than a successful inventor of well-conceived new federal programs promulgated from the top down.

* * * *

Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, right, and Indian Affairs Minister Jean Chretien, second from right, meet with northwestern BC*s Nisga'a First Nation leader Frank Calder, left, on February 7, 1973.

A 1969 White Paper on Indigenous issues (※formally known as the &Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy, 1969′§) was another case in point. It proposed at last abandoning the 1876 Indian Act with its ※special status§ for First Nations individuals still living on? reserves (including the appalling residential schools), and assimilating Indigenous peoples into the same mainstream society as all other Canadian citizens.

This White Paper was formally retracted in 1971, when it became clear that a rising new generation of First Nations leaders passionately opposed it. Trudeau and his Liberal party ultimately made a beginning on a? different kind of Indigenous policy, in the Constitution Act, 1982 and far beyond.

An earlier incarnation of Trudeau himself 〞 as Lester Pearson*s attorney general 〞 had more resolutely begun to liberalize Canada*s abortion, divorce, and same-sex relations law. (※The state has no place in the bedrooms of the nation.§) This finally found its way into the Criminal Code in 1969. Pierre Trudeau*s Canada also began negotiations with the People’s Republic of China§ in 1968. And this led to the establishment of diplomatic relations with Chairman Mao Zedong on October 13, 1970.

By the time relations with Mao*s China had been established, the October Crisis that began with the extreme Quebec sovereigntist FLQ*s kidnapping of the British trade commissioner in Montr谷al,? on October 5, was well underway. It would reach its nadir with the FLQ*s murder of Quebec cabinet minister Pierre Laporte on October 17. Prime Minister Trudeau had already invoked the (unusually harsh) emergency War Measures Act on October 16, in response to what some Quebec and Ottawa politicians saw as a state of apprehended insurrection in la belle province.

Canadian troops briefly appeared on the streets of Ottawa and Montreal, and some 465 reputed sovereigntist activists were arrested and held without charge. Civil libertarians across the country attacked the prime minister for ※using a sledgehammer to crack a peanut§ (Tommy Douglas). But Trudeau*s steely action (※just watch me,§ he told a critical TV reporter) did soon enough restore law and order. And it proved? popular? in all regions of the country in a December 1970 Gallup Poll.

Then, having tamed the apprehended insurrection in Quebec, on March 4, 1971 the 52-year-old Pierre Trudeau, a lifelong bachelor? previously involved with the celebrated likes of? Liona Boyd, Kim Cattrall, Gale Garnett, Margot Kidder, and Barbra Streisand, married the 23-year-old Margaret Sinclair at St. Stephen’s Roman Catholic church in North Vancouver. Ms. Sinclair was the attractive daughter of James Sinclair, a veteran BC Liberal and former Minister of Fisheries in Louis St. Laurent*s last government. On December 25, 1971 the spring-and-autumn couple welcomed the first of three sons, Justin Pierre James Trudeau (who would himself become prime minister of Canada some 44 years later!)

* * * *

A federal-provincial Constitutional Conference Pierre Trudeau convened in Victoria, BC, June 14每16, 1971 was less immediately successful 〞 and points more clearly to new troubles in the 1972 election.

The conference*s great failure was that Quebec Liberal Premier Robert Bourassa, after first seeming to agree to an otherwise unanimously supported federal-provincial deal for at last ※patriating§ the 1867 British North America Act from the United Kingdom, finally disagreed after he returned home to find scant support among his advisors in Quebec City. Trudeau remained angry for some time. The meeting in Victoria nonetheless proved a rehearsal for what, just over a decade later, would become his most compelling legacy to his home and native land in the Constitution Act, 1982 (with its Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms).

The 1971 Victoria Conference 〞 along with such allied new directions as official bilingualism and multiculturalism and the transformation of the Dominion Bureau of Statistics into Statistics Canada? 〞 did help convince some conservative (and other) admirers of the 1867 confederation that Pierre Elliott Trudeau intended to abolish its traditional attachment to the British monarchy, and turn Canada into a republic.

What some (realistically enough?) saw as an ※anti-British§ mood in the early Trudeau governing ethos had already raised fears of this sort. In response a former administrative assistant to former Progressive Conservative leader John Diefenbaker had started a non-governmental organization called The Monarchist League of Canada in 1970. (And over the next several decades it would develop some skill in persuading various receptive audiences that Canada*s ※constitutional monarchy,§ clearly written down in the 1867 BNA Act, continued to have certain advantages.)

In fact (and as is typically the case), the already almost entirely symbolic role of the monarchy in the modern Canadian parliamentary democracy that adopted its own independent flag in 1965 was not an issue in the federal election Pierre Trudeau called for October 30, 1972.

Yet other innovations of his first Liberal government were not immediately popular in many parts of the country 〞 from official bilingualism on. The long postwar quarter-century of buoyant economic growth in places like Canada was also approaching less promising directions, as signalled by Richard Nixon*s cancellation of the American commitment to stabilize the price of gold at $35 an once in August 1971.

Former Nova Scotia premier Robert Stanfield*s Conservatives almost but not quite beat the Trudeau Liberals in the 1972 federal election. But it was David Lewis*s New Democrats who wound up with the balance of power in parliament.

The Trudeau Liberals campaigned in 1972 on the somewhat puzzling slogan ※The Land Is Strong.§ But this time the number-of-seats result between the Liberals and Robert Stanfield*s Conservatives was so close that it wasn*t clear just who had ※won§ on election night. The next morning (with Halloween scheduled for that evening) it was clear the Liberals had 109 seats with more than 38% of the cross-country popular vote. The Conservatives had 107 seats with 35% of the vote.

Meanwhile the federal Social Credit party under R谷al Caouette took 15 seats in Quebec. The New Democrats under the new leadership of David Lewis 〞 running against what he memorably characterized as ※corporate welfare bums§ 〞 won a record 31 seats with almost 18% of the cross-Canada vote. And the Trudeau Liberals remained in office for the next 20 months, under what might be characterized as a de facto or informal ※coalition§ or at least co-operation agreement with David Lewis*s NDP.

* * * *

Dependence on New Democrat support to pass legislation in the Canadian House of Commons did? push Pierre Trudeau*s government somewhat to the left. And both the Foreign Investment Review Agency (FIRA) of 1973, and what finally became (the at first publicly owned) Petro Canada in 1975, owed something to the brief but potent burst of left-wing economic nationalism that de facto partnership with the Lewis New Democrats brought to the Trudeau Liberal government after the 1972 election.

Neither FIRA nor Petro Canada, however, would prove strong and enduring monuments to their causes over the mid to longer term. (The US financial weekly Barron*s, after initially attacking FIRA, ultimately explained how the only business enterprise ※that wouldn*t be welcome in Canada is Murder Inc.§) New more troubling economic circumstances signalled by the 1971 end to a US-guaranteed price of gold, and then by the oil price shock of 1973, similarly pushed Canada*s federal Department of Finance in more conservative directions.

Margaret Trudeau on cover of ※Canada*s National Magazine,§ August 1974, just after Liberals win majority government in July 6 election that year!

Pierre Trudeau*s polling numbers had been increasing in any case. If an economic recession was coming, it could be wise to call an election before it arrived. Fortuitously, to test finance minister John Turner*s continuing progressive resolve, David Lewis prepared what he called a ※shopping list§ of items for the May 1974 budget. Turner*s budget was judged not sufficiently forthcoming. And on May 8 the Lewis New Democrats voted with the Stanfield Conservatives and the Caouette Social Credit Party to bring the Liberal minority government down.

A fresh election was called for July 8, 1974. John English*s biography quietly suggests that Pierre Elliott Trudeau*s young wife Margaret, already pregnant with her second son, had something to do with the resulting Liberal majority government 〞 141 seats (eight more than a bare majority), earned with just over 43% of the cross-country popular vote. Margaret Trudeau insisted on joining the 1974 campaign, and she helped humanize the sometimes remote and arrogant first-term prime minister of 1972 in the eyes of many voters.(Meanwhile the Lewis New Democrats lost 15 of the 31 seats they had won in 1972 〞 helping to create a party tradition of scepticism about co-operating with Liberals.)

* * * *

In 1969 Pierre Trudeau had told the Washington Press Club that for Canada living next door to the United States was ※in some ways like sleeping with an elephant. No matter how friendly … one is affected by every twitch and grunt.§ On August 9, 1974 〞 just a month after the 1974 Canadian election 〞 Richard Nixon resigned as American president, to avoid impeachment over the Watergate scandal. And this at least metaphorically signalled a new sea of troubles ahead for Canada too.

To start with, voter turnout in 1974 was only 71.0%, down by 5.7 % from 1972. In fact, the highest rates of turnout in the history of the 1867 confederation had already been reached in 1958, 1962, and 1963, at just under 80%. Turnout rose again to 75% in the elections of 1979, 1984, and 1988. But with these exceptions it would remain below 70% down to the present (with an all-time low of less than 59% in 2008).? As in other places, mass attachments to Canada*s growing democracy were weakening.

The 1974 election also confirmed that democratic support for the Trudeau Liberals had somewhat ominous regional concentrations. They were strong in Ontario and Quebec, the francophone-dominated northern New Brunswick, and (sometimes) urban BC, but weak elsewhere. The 1973 oil price shock induced by the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries also helped fuel what would become a long quarrel between Ottawa and the provincial government of Alberta over oil and gas policy. And a new more diffuse sense of (arguably quite deeply rooted) ※western alienation,§ beyond the Lake of the Woods on the Ontario-Manitoba border, was a counterpoint to the rising sovereigntist movement in Quebec.

More broadly, a new age of ※stagflation§ 〞 inflation or rising prices and stagnant economic growth or employment 〞 ※was universal among the major economies during the period 1973 to 1982.§ In Canada it would soon enough raise the thorny issue of wage and price controls. The Trudeau Liberals had opposed them in the 1974 election, and then (in new conditions) imposed them for a three-year period in the Anti-Inflation Act of 1975 (with wage guidelines binding on firms of 500 or more employees).

To at least try to promote economic growth, the Trudeau Liberals* notion of a ※Third Option§ to Canada*s traditional trading ties with the British empire and the United States led to a ※contractual link§ with the 19-year-old European Economic Community. Pierre Trudeau had spent? considerable time travelling in Europe to raise support for this agreement, which took effect on October 1, 1976. Yet while his father may have been a Canadian businessman who would have taken bold advantage of such a Canada-Europe linkage in the 1920s, there were not enough immediate successors in the 1970s to seriously boost the Canadian economy.

Trudeau himself seems to have become somewhat intellectually bemused by the (no doubt often conflicting) opinions he was hearing from a variety of economic (and business) advisors in the middle of the 1970s. To add to his public policy burdens, in his private life the (almost inevitable?) strains of his marriage to a much younger woman were beginning to show as well. (As biographer John English would later explain : ※In Margaret*s own words, &my rebellion started in 1974′.§)

Ren谷 L谷vesque takes to the microphone after the Parti Qu谷b谷cois victory in the 1976 election. MONTREAL GAZETTE FILES.

Finally, on November 15, 1976 Ren谷 L谷vesque*s sovereigntist? Parti Qu谷b谷cois took many in the rest of the country for a big surprise, and won? 71 of 110 seats in the Quebec provincial legislature. (Which had already been renamed the National Assembly or Assembl谷e nationale du Qu谷bec,? after the? Assembl谷e nationale in France, in 1968.)

The chain-smoking M. L谷vesque formed his first provincial government of Quebec on November 25, 1976. He had promised to hold a referendum on his party*s concept of ※sovereignty-association§ before the end of his first term. And this set the stage for what was at least widely imagined to be the possible break-up of the 1867 confederation, whose 100th anniversary had been celebrated with such enthusiasm (in some places at least) only nine years before. (Although those who focused on the 41.4%? of the province-wide popular vote, that had given the PQ its 71 seats in the 1976 election, would in fact have a vaguely reassuring benchmark for just how well? the referendum would finally do in 1980!)

Children of the Global Village :
Democracy in Canada Since 1497

Randall White
eastendbooks? 2019

(For background on the larger work-in-progress of which this is a part, see Đặt cược miễn phí ngay bây giờ 2019The Long Journey to a Canadian Republic.)

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On the edge of 2019 : will Trump jump? ; Fats Waller ; Trudeau*s Senate ; CANZUK still crazy after all these years https://www.google.com//d17/2018/12/on-the-edge-of-2019-will-trump-jump-fats-waller-trudeau%e2%80%99s-senate-canzuk-still-crazy-after-all-these-years/ /d17/2018/12/on-the-edge-of-2019-will-trump-jump-fats-waller-trudeau%e2%80%99s-senate-canzuk-still-crazy-after-all-these-years/#comments Mon, 17 Dec 2018 21:07:31 +0000 L. Frank Bunting /d17/?p=22651

Strictly fake news of course.

On the third-last Monday of 2018, here are four short notes on the world as it looks up close in We the North of the North American Great Lakes :

1. Is Trump getting ready to jump (what would Machiavelli think?)

This past Saturday morning Maggie at ※Hear Me Roar§ 〞 who specializes in ※Đặt cược miễn phí ngay bây giờ 2019The best Trump memes! Humor and parody of GOP!§ 〞 posted a fake photo of Donald Trump high up on the ledge of some high building in New York, looking poised to jump to the pavement far below.

I copied the thing into my electronic notebook with the comment ※if only it were true!§ What we pick up from US TV (and Twitter) up here, however, is starting to suggest that the current American fake president is, whatever else, increasingly beleaguered psychologically.

I*ve been asking myself what the great inventor of modern political science in the western world, Niccol辰 Machiavelli, would make of it all? I still don*t have an answer (though I*m guessing he would counsel caution in assessing whether Trump actually will jump any time soon, of course).

Meanwhile, here is a recent related observation from John Dean, who did so much to prompt Richard Nixon*s ultimate resignation over Watergate on August 9, 1974 : ※Trump*s bitching and whining and complaining is non-stop. The presidency reveals its occupant: Trump*s not only incompetent he*s actually a wuss. Like most bullies he*s a coward. As with most autocrats he*s a very frightened person. He*s a fake leader, who thinks nasty is strong.§

2. Honeysuckle Rose : commemorating Fats Waller (1904每1943)

Fats Waller at the piano, 1938.

Along with various fake Trump photos, this past Saturday, December 15 marked the 75th anniversary of the death of the legendary Harlem ※stride§ pianist and entertainer Thomas Wright ※Fats§ Waller, at the still too tender age of 39.

Here as elsewhere in the early 21st century world of music You Tube has compelling? resources for digging deeper. To start with (if you have time), try classic versions of what may be the two greatest Fats Waller hits : ※Ain’t Misbehavin’§ and the endlessly beguiling ※Honeysuckle Rose

If you have still more time You Tube also offers an intriguing four-part documentary on Fats Waller featuring recollections from his son Maurice 〞 Part I ; Part 2 ; Part 3 ; and Part 4.

Mr. Waller was born in New York City in 1904. He was 13 years older than Thelonious Monk and 16 years older than Charlie Parker. As his son Maurice explains, to survive in his world black entertainers still had to adopt habits that later jazz musicians like Monk and Parker disavowed. Fats Waller nonetheless died near Charlie Parker*s Kansas City hometown. Wikipedia explains : ※Waller contracted pneumonia and died on December 15, 1943, while traveling aboard the famous cross-country train the Super Chief near Kansas City, Missouri.§ He ※was returning to New York City from Los Angeles, after the smash success of [the African American movie] Stormy Weather, and after a successful engagement at the Zanzibar Room, in Santa Monica … during which he had fallen ill.§

3. Justin Trudeau*s minimalist Senate reform in Canada

Justin greets Melania while Donald looks on at G7 Summit in Taormina, Italy, May 2017.

I am more than happy to go on record as a confirmed supporter of Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau. Like the rest of us, he is far from perfect. But to me at any rate he continues to stand head and shoulders above any of his competitors.

At the same time, I also strongly believe that one of M. Trudeau*s imperfections is his strategy for minimalist reform (really just a re-arrangement) of the still unreformed Senate of Canada.

So I remain unimpressed as well with his actions as reported by the excellent Joan Bryden at Canadian Press 〞 ※Trudeau to make it harder for future PM to reverse Senate reforms

Who wants to listen to further details on this subject these days? (And read Ms. Bryden*s helpful piece if you are among the truly enlightened here!) Meanwhile, I will just argue that the big problem with the current unreformed Senate of Canada is not its political partisanship. It is that so long as senators are merely appointed in our day and age, they will lack the credibility to play any useful role in Ottawa 〞 even as some mythical place of ※sober second thought.§

4. Canadian Conservatives and CANZUK : an idea whose time passed a long time ago

Tks to the excellent people at Access Copyright, Happy holidays 2018.

As one sign of problems among Justin Trudeau*s competitors (with a view to the coming October 21, 2019 federal election, say), another piece of my news intake from this past Saturday was Jackie Dunham*s ※Increased push for free movement between Canada, UK, Australia, New Zealand§ on the CTV News website.

Ms Dunham*s rather long but still helpful report on the movement aka ※CANZUK§ (ie Canada, Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom) notes that, according to James Skinner, founder and chief executive of CANZUK International, even though ※the CANZUK movement is technically non partisan … conservative politicians in Canada and in the other three CANZUK countries have been the most enthusiastic about the proposal.§

Ms Dunham notes as well that CANZUK ※advocates of an agreement calling for freer trade, movement, and greater co-operation between Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom§ have lately been buoyed by ※official support from the federal Conservatives in Canada and the promise of a Brexit deal next year.§

The current circumstances of Brexit in the UK are one warning flag here, no doubt.

To me the decisive objection is also covered in Jackie Dunham*s helpfully long report : ※Finally, some critics have accused CANZUK organizers of trying to create a new &Anglosphere* comprised only of English-speaking or majority &white* countries.§ Srdjan Vucetic at the University of Ottawa ※has published several opinion pieces about CANZUK supporters* interest in the Anglosphere and how it is founded on a &vulgar nostalgia for the colonial past,* as he wrote in an iPolitics story last year.§

And on this note (and along with the late great Percy Faith who was descended from the Toronto Jewish community) I can only add : ※Happy Holiday to you

/d17/2018/12/on-the-edge-of-2019-will-trump-jump-fats-waller-trudeau%e2%80%99s-senate-canzuk-still-crazy-after-all-these-years/feed/ 0
Trump & Russian mafia .. Japan/China & Canada/United States https://www.google.com//d17/2018/12/trump-russian-mafia-japanchina-canadaunited-states/ /d17/2018/12/trump-russian-mafia-japanchina-canadaunited-states/#comments Tue, 11 Dec 2018 23:37:58 +0000 Counterweights Editors /d17/?p=22616 Ordinarily as the year ends we post a few lists of our own favourite or at least most-visited articles from the time on its way out. And we will be doing this again before December 31, 2018 (New Year*s Eve), at least once 〞 and possibly twice. (Or more? Who can really say anything in these troubled times, etc?)

Meanwhile, a request to all editors for late 2018 general news items grabbing their attention has resulted in the following two short notes on The Way We Were (some of us at any rate) during the last few weeks of one of the most remarkable years in the more or less recent past :

1. Trump & Russian mafia

This past Sunday evening one Kent B 〞 a ※Martial Arts Teacher, Harley Nut 91Q Army Vet§ and supporter of? Veterans Against Trump 〞 tweeted : ※ I was originally from NY. I’ve known this about tRump for decades. It was always common knowledge that he had Russian mob ties but never got caught. Now he is getting caught, finally justice seem to being served soon.§

Mr. B was pointing to a recent article from Ezra Klein*s impressive VOX website : ※Trump*s ties to the Russian mafia go back 3 decades … Journalist Craig Unger talks Russia, Trump, and &one of the greatest intelligence operations in history*§ 〞 by Sean Illing.

At Helsinki, July 2018.

Mr. Unger claims that the ※Russian mafia§? 〞 which ※is essentially a state actor … part of the KGB … part of the Russian government§ 〞 has ※been using Trump-branded real estate to launder money for over three decades.§ And according to Sean Illing, ※the case§ Unger ※makes for how much potential leverage the Russians had over Trump is pretty damning.§

It is probably worth noting that Craig Unger is the author of the controversial ※2004 book, House of Bush, House of Saud, that was also featured in Michael Moore’s film Fahrenheit 9/11.§ And Mr.Unger*s new 2018 book that VOX and Sean Illing are reporting on 〞 House of Trump, House of Putin 〞 finally left Mr. Illing ※wondering if any of it really matters. As you said, most of this stuff is hiding in plain sight, and although the special counsel investigation is underway, there*s a subset of the country for whom no amount of evidence is enough to persuade them that something wrong has occurred.§

At the same time, the martial arts teacher and motorcycle enthusiast Kent B, from Twitter as above, may continue to have some kind of point as well.

Melania Trump and Justin Trudeau in Toronto, September 2017.

At the same time again, the anti-Trump conservative military historian Max Boot*s latest piece in the Washington Post is urging that Mr. B is probably wrong about ※ justice … being served soon.§ The estimable Mr. Boot writes that after the latest words from the Mueller special counsel investigation? : ※What we are left with is a president who defrauded the American people to win office 〞 and who is now protected by the immunity that his office confers. He is protected, too, by his dwindling band of followers in Congress who argue that Manafort should be pardoned for his financial crimes (Rep. Matt Gaetz) and that Trump should not be prosecuted for merely breaking campaign finance laws (Sen. Rand Paul) …? All it takes is 34 votes in the Senate and Trump can serve out his term even as his administration is consumed by the biggest political scandal in American history. Our long national nightmare is just beginning.§

2. Japan/China & Canada/United States

All this about Russia and the current American president is just too depressing for the holiday season, when even many where we have our offices who are not Christians (or otherwise attached by personal history to Santa Claus and so forth, like so many if not all of us here) try to enjoy ourselves and spread good cheer among others.

World War 2 (1939每1945) map from New York Times showing Japanese expansion of its Asia Pacific empire, 1895每1940.

So … to end with thoughts from a land that must still have a lot in common with the North Pole where Santa Claus and his reindeer (and Mrs Claus and the Elves etc) spend their time preparing for the one night in the year when they ride through the sky with enough presents for every child in Marshall McLuhan’s global village? under 10 years old.

In fact, the story of Santa Claus is not all that unlike many of the stories President Trump tells about the world as he sees it, and how much it has improved under his remarkable leadership. And a tweet just yesterday around lunchtime by the estimable map enthusiast Simon Kuestenmacher raised some comparative statistics that suggest an only slightly less unrealistic world scenario we editors here have been amused by before, over drinks after work and all that.

More exactly, Mr. Kuestenmacher*s tweet showed a terrific map of Japan and China and their wider region 〞? back at height of Japan’s former empire, in the early days of what finally became World War II (1939每1945). As the map shows in its darkest shades, for a short while in the 1930s Japan actually took over parts of a then struggling China closest to it. Here, in our office board room over some preliminary seasonal cheer, we calculated that Japan has only 9.1% of China’s population today. And then someone noted that Canada has 11.2% of the US population today. And we unanimously agreed : Season*s Greetings to All, and to all a goodnight.

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Grey Cup 2018 : red and black will triumph, whoever wins in Canadian regulation time https://www.google.com//d17/2018/11/grey-cup-2018-red-and-black-will-triumph-whoever-wins-in-canadian-regulation-time/ /d17/2018/11/grey-cup-2018-red-and-black-will-triumph-whoever-wins-in-canadian-regulation-time/#comments Sat, 24 Nov 2018 22:35:23 +0000 Dominic Berry /d17/?p=22593

In fact Rihanna is a fellow Commonwealth citizen of Barbados. But who knows? If she ever did get together forever with Drake, she might even go to a Grey Cup game 〞 as long as it wasn*t in Doug Ford*s Ontario.

SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 2018. GANATSEKWYAGON,ON. Both Donald Trump in the neighbouring USA today, and his wily colleague Doug Ford right here in the new Old Ontario, have become so appalling lately that I have sought refuge in thoughts about the 2018 Grey Cup 〞 annual championship of the Canadian Football League, held for the 106th time in Edmonton, Alberta this Sunday, November 25, 2018.

There are some respects in which the 106th Grey Cup? 〞 with the Calgary Stampeders (western champions) vs. the Ottawa Redblacks (eastern champions) 〞 will mimic certain current political grievances in the true north, strong and free, from the Atlantic to the Arctic to the Pacific oceans. The Calgary demonstrators who recently greeted Prime Minister Justin Trudeau from Ottawa (including those holding especially appalling signs about his mother) are just one case in point.

As noted, however, I*m focusing my thoughts on the big game this Sunday in an effort to avoid appalling politics. So, to get my TV-watching partner*s key question out of the way first, the Stampeders (※the class of the CFL once again this season§) are ※4-point favourites on the Grey Cup odds at sportsbooks monitored by OddsShark.com

Ricky Ray, Toronto Argonauts QB, in 2017 Grey Cup game on snowy day in Ottawa.

At the same time, the ※Stampeders have advanced to the Grey Cup on five occasions over the past decade, but have come up short in three of those championship bids including a stunning 39每33 loss to the Redblacks … two years ago at BMO Field in Toronto.§

(And then there is last year*s magnificent Canadian game in the snow at Ottawa, when my own home team, the historically fabled Toronto Argonauts, unexpectedly beat the Stampeders 27每24. As if in some just compensation, the Argos have come up with the worst record in all of the CFL this year! But, further back historically, it is somewhat intriguing that in the 56th Grey Cup, almost exactly 50 years ago, on November 30, 1968, the old Ottawa Rough Riders defeated the Calgary Stampeders 24每21 at the old Exhibition Stadium in Toronto.)

Part of the Stampeders* Grey Cup struggles may involve their ※touchdown horse Quick Six.§ Back home at McMahon Stadium in Calgary, Quick Six (and his rider Chelsea Drake) celebrate every Stampeder touchdown by racing along the sidelines with the team flag. Yet, as explained by Global News : ※In the past two years, the horse hasn*t been allowed at the Grey Cup game.§ (For safety reasons. And this has been true at other such games in faraway places.)

The Calgary Stampeders ※Outriders§ cheerleaders in action.

This year (as also explained by Global News) the ※touchdown horse won*t run the length of Edmonton*s Commonwealth Stadium on Sunday.§ But 〞 perhaps because it isn*t all that far to travel as well 〞 Quick Six and Chelsea Drake will ※still be allowed to celebrate touchdowns with the players in the end zone, according to the Stamps.§ Who knows? This could also improve the Stamps* odds of actually winning the Grey Cup in 2018.

(As evidence of just how old I seem to have become in my own age of recurrent senior moments, I seem to similarly remember suitably lubricated Calgary Stampeder fans in cowboy hats bringing a horse into the lobby of the Royal York Hotel in Toronto, in what must have been the early 1960s. I can also remember when it was still not unusual to see horses pulling milkwagons and breadwagons in Toronto in the 1950s. As the historian Ramsay Cook long ago observed, the 19th century did not really end in Canada until 1950.)

Ottawa RedBlacks* QB Henry Burris is awarded MVP after leading his team to victory over heavily favoured Calgary Stampeders in Grey Cup 2016.

I can say that I have been to Edmonton a few times myself, and I like the place a lot. It is a serious city further north than any other metropolis of more than a million people in North America 〞 and home of ※the Yardbird Suite … Alberta’s jazz hub … 60 years strong, volunteer run, and a Downbeat Great Jazz Venue

This 106th Grey Cup will mark the fifth time Edmonton has hosted the game. It typically draws what counts as a large crowd in Canadian football. The average attendance for its four earlier games is 61,590. As just one comparison familiar to the likes of me, the average attendance for the last four Grey Cup games hosted by Toronto is only 46,180.

Some will just say that this just shows Toronto is the CFL city least interested in Canadian football. I am not a serious Toronto football fan, at all. But I do know people who are, and who feel only an NFL team could keep their interest up 〞 in a city that already has the Maple Leafs in the NHL, the Raptors in the NBA, and the Blue Jays in MLB.

Shania Twain arrives by dog sled for 2017 Grey Cup half-time show. The 2018 show will feature the Grammy-winning artist from Brampton, Ontario, Alessia Cara.

Perhaps influenced by such serious fans around me, I have long seen the Canadian Football League as something of a whimsical phenomenon. Note, eg, that the team colours of both this year*s Grey Cup rivals are red and black. And then there is the name Ottawa ※Redblacks§ itself. It is, I suppose, slightly better than the old name of Ottawa Roughriders, whose colours were red and black 〞 from the days when two of the nine CFL teams were called Roughriders (Ottawa and Saskatchewan). But really … what kind of name is ※Redblacks§? It*s like calling the fabled Toronto Argonauts 〞 who apparently actually hold ※the title of the oldest sports franchise in North America§ 〞? the Doubleblues.

In my old age I have nonetheless come to the point where I am looking? forward to watching the Grey Cup from Edmonton on my TV in beautiful, downtown Ganatsekwyagon, Ontario tomorrow night. The stupidest thing the CFL tried in its recent history was expanding into the United States in the first half of the 1990s. But current CFL commissioner Randy Ambrosie gave a good press conference the other day, about more realistically reaching out to such places as Mexico and France? 〞 and (most crucially, I think) finally getting a team in Halifax. (Which I later heard on TV has now wisely decided on the name Atlantic Schooners. They already have 5,000 season-ticket subscribers, and only need a suitable stadium.)

There will always be many crazy things about the CFL. But as even Rihana from Barbados has apparently concluded lately : ※Clinton made me want to be faithful ; Bush made me want to be smarter ; Obama made me want to be better ; Trump makes me want to be Canadian§!

POSTSCRIPT : Congrats to the Stamps on their 27-16 win over the Redblacks.? They happily beat their Grey Cup jinx of the most recent past.

The height of the game on our TV at any rate was a “record 97-yard punt-return touchdown on a slippery Commonwealth Stadium turf” by Calgary’s Terry Williams.? Game MVP was Calgary quarterback Bo Levi Mitchell.

Not everyone here north of the lakes really got into the game. Adam Radwanski at the Globe and Mail tweeted : “After two classic Grey Cups I guess we were due for a bit of a comedown. At some point the league*s dominant team had to dominate.”

My TV watching partner here on the north shore of Lake Ontario, on the other hand, worked in Banff as a student. She was cheering for the Stamps and their mascot Quick Six, and went to bed happy.

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Happy 100 First World War Armistice .. a view from the northern woods .. https://www.google.com//d17/2018/11/happy-100-first-world-war-armistice-a-view-from-the-northern-woods/ /d17/2018/11/happy-100-first-world-war-armistice-a-view-from-the-northern-woods/#comments Sun, 11 Nov 2018 07:45:04 +0000 Citizen X /d17/?p=22573

※Le mar谷chal Ferdinand Foch (1851-1929) lors de la signature de l'Armistice dans un wagon du train d'谷tat-major appel谷 le "wagon de l'Armistice", dans la clairi豕re de Rethondes, en for那t de Compiegne. ? P豕lerin§

The site administration staff have told me that I*ve already contributed at least one (as we say in Canada) Remembrance Day piece back in the past (※O valiant [Toronto] hearts who to your glory came .. your memory hallowed in the land you loved,§ on November 11, 2013).

They*ve pointed out as well a still earlier related piece by my esteemed colleague L. Frank Bunting (※Afghanistan agony haunts November 11, 2010§).

This November 11, 2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the signing of the armistice that ended the First World War (aka at the time the Great War) 〞 ※dans le wagon-salon du mar谷chal Foch, 角 Rethondes dans la for那t de Compi豕gne.§

And 〞 Bunting being otherwise occupied at his almost winterized wilderness retreat in the Kawarthas (or is it Haliburton?) 〞 I have been asked by the managing editor here to share some further thoughts on the present-day meaning of the end of the First World War. (Or ※First German War§ as the old-school English historian George Clark called it, in his masterful 1971 summary English History : A Survey.)

※Aboriginal soldiers of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) along with elders, ca. 1916-17.§

I want to start with a few background notes. The Veterans Affairs Canada website, eg, has a helpful synopsis : ※The armistice of November 11, 1918, brought relief to the whole world … Sixty-five million men from 30 nations were involved in§ the war ; ※at least ten million men were killed; twenty-nine million more were wounded, captured or missing.§

Starting in the summer of 1914, the war ※was also a landmark in Canadian national development … Canada entered the war as a colony, a mere extension of Britain overseas.§ At the end, for a place ※of eight million people Canada’s war effort was remarkable. Over 650,000 Canadian men and women served in uniform … with more than 66,000 giving their lives and over 172,000 more being wounded … It was this …that won for Canada a separate signature on the Peace Treaty.§

This Peace Treaty was not signed until June 28, 1919. The Armistice signed on November 11, 1918 just marked the end of fighting. It would take another six months to negotiate a formal treaty of peace among all participants.

Our best guess is that this is the band of Canada*s No. 2 Construction Battalion, which ※sailed from Halifax Harbour to England, and then to France, where they served with the Canadian Forestry Corps during the First World War.§

It took some time to negotiate even the November 11 Armistice. The process began when the German government sent a message to US President Woodrow Wilson early in October 1918, proposing negotiations for peace on the basis of his ※Fourteen Points

The Americans had only joined the war, however, in April 1917. The supreme commander of ※the Allies§ fighting Germany and its allies was the Marshal of France, Ferdinand Foch. And the November 11 Armistice was (as noted above in Canada*s other official language) finally signed in a railway car ※given to Ferdinand Foch for military use by the manufacturer, Compagnie Internationale des Wagons-Lits

Foch*s railway car was parked near a station at Rethondes, in the forest around the nearby larger urban centre of Compi豕gne in northeastern France. For the Allies the November 11 Armistice document was signed by Supreme Commander Foch and the British First Sea Lord Admiral Rossyln Wemyss, representing Allied naval forces. Four men signed for Germany 〞? Matthias Erzberger,? representing the German government, and envoys from the German foreign ministry,? army, and navy.

Canadians 〞 more exactly Montreal*s Black Watch regiment 〞 marching through Mons, warmly received by liberated Belgians, November 11, 1918.

No Canadians (or Americans for that matter) actually signed the 1918 Armistice. But there is a serious Canadian wrinkle on November 11. After some deliberation I have decided my own best source here is A.J.P. Taylor*s English History, 1914每1945.

Taylor notes that when the 1918 Armistice came into force, at 11 AM GMT on November 11, ※German troops§ were still for the most part ※everywhere on foreign soil.§ Yet, happily enough, ※Canadian forces entered Mons [in German-occupied Belgium] about an hour before the armistice and thus, appropriately, ended the war where the &old contemptibles* had begun it§ (at the Battle of Mons between British and German forces, on August 23, 1914).

In his 1983 volume of memoirs entitled A Personal History, A.J.P. Taylor noted that when he was commissioned to write English History, 1914每1945, as part of the Oxford History of England, he had to make certain decisions : ※I was not interested in writing the history of the English upper classes which is what English history usually amounts to. Maybe the English people had no history until fairly recently. In the twentieth century they had, and that is what my book is about. I was glad when [critic and reviewer] Max Beloff described it as Populist history.§

※A time for rejoicing: Armistice Day celebrated on November 11, 1918, in London ( Getty Images ).§

At a now considerably later time when ※populism§ has become a much-abused term, too often used to describe a right-wing political pathology that real (and left-wing) populists like the late A.J.P. Taylor would find abhorrent, it seems appropriate to end my own reflections here with Taylor*s account of what happened (in his country at any rate!) right after the 1918 Armistice was signed. (As a mark, whatever else, of just what ※Populist history§ can involve.)

I quote the late great man*s entire and admirably lean paragraph at the bottom of p. 113 and top of p. 114 in the 1970 paperback update of the 1965 first publication of English History, 1914每1945 :

In the fighting-lines there was bewildered relief when the guns ceased to fire. There was no fraternization and little rejoicing. In England people were less restrained. Work ceased in shops and offices, as news of the armistice spread. Crowds surged through the streets, often led by airmen and Dominion troops on leave. Omnibuses were seized, and people in strange garments caroused on the open upper deck. A bonfire heaped against the plinth of Nelson*s column in Trafalgar Square has left its mark to this day. Total strangers copulated in doorways and on the pavements. They were asserting the triumph of life over death. The celebrations ran on with increasing wildness for three days, when the police finally intervened and restored order.§

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November 6, 2018 in USA .. not exactly a night to remember for the rest of our lives? https://www.google.com//d17/2018/11/november-6-2018-in-usa-not-exactly-a-night-to-remember-for-the-rest-of-our-lives/ /d17/2018/11/november-6-2018-in-usa-not-exactly-a-night-to-remember-for-the-rest-of-our-lives/#comments Wed, 07 Nov 2018 09:45:34 +0000 Counterweights Editors /d17/?p=22550

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York becomes youngest woman elected to Congress.

6:20 PM ET : Nothing too striking in the earliest 2018 US Midterms vote, as best as we can tell, on Twitter and/or TV. But it*s a relief that the evening has finally begun, as Rachel Maddow has recently observed.

12:15 AM : We agreed to wait somewhat longer before making any brief comments. Until after the popcorn runs out in the office board room with the big TV.

2:40 AM : So … early but soon faded prospects that Democrats might take both the Governor race and a Senate seat in Florida and a Senate seat in Texas set too high initial expectations at our election-watching party. The ultimate results were more sobering.

In the end the smart-money predictions beforehand were borne out. As summarized by the New York Times : ※Democrats Capture Control of House; G.O.P. Holds Senate

A best progressive spin on how it all looked on the early morning of November 7 also appeared on the Times* digital front page, under the headline ※Unusually High Turnout Illustrates Intensity of Trump Backlash.§

Democrat Gretchen Whitmer has become the new governor of Michigan.

The spin went on : ※Democrats harnessed voter fury to win control of the House and capture pivotal governorships, delivering a forceful rebuke of President Trump … An array of diverse candidates 〞 many of them women, first-time contenders or both 〞 ended the Republican Party*s eight-year grip on the chamber … But in an indication that the country*s political and cultural divisions may only be deepening, the Democratic gains did not extend to the Senate.§

The exact but still to be finalized numbers reported by the Times as of 4 AM showed the Democrats gaining 26 seats in the House, while the Republicans gained two seats in the Senate, and the Democrats gained seven new state Governors.

We finally agreed here on a number of quotations from eminent persons on Twitter, as summaries of our own initial reactions.

Two largely negative comments to start with. First from Susan Delacourt at the Toronto Star : ※I’m going to go right out there and predict that these midterms did the sum total of nothing to fix polarization in the United States and may have made it worse.§

Democrat Sharice Davids in Kansas becomes first Native American woman elected to Congress, ※with New Mexico*s Deb Haaland expected to pull off a similar victory.§

Second from the anti-Trump former Republican commentator Bill Kristol : ※I assume the election will embolden Trump. His political strategy of focusing on Senate victories in red states will have worked. He’ll have no incentive not to continue demagoguing immigration. He’ll be tempted to fire Cabinet members and others he regards as not true loyalists.§

We*ll end with a number of more positive comments, by various hands and from various directions. First here from Van Jones at CNN : ※It*s a rainbow wave … with the Democrats taking control of the House, the new Democratic party is &younger, browner, cooler*.§

Next from Daniel Dale at the Toronto Star : ※Democrats have won the Senate and governor races in Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, the states that narrowly put Trump over the top in 2016.§

Then from John Dean, of Watergate fame long ago : ※MIDTERMS: A few close races that are heartbreaking. It is obvious the Trump con is not working for the overwhelming majority of American voters. Democrats controlling the House means we have a real check on our autocratic president. Trump is the big looser of the 2018 midterms.§

Democrat Gavin Newsom, celebrating here with family, has been elected California's next governor 〞 ※in a win for the resistance against Trump.§

Then from Doug Saunders at the Globe and Mail in Canada : ※It looks like close to 60 per cent of Americans voted for Democrats tonight. It’s a majority centre-left populace, as it was in 2016.? Just that the electoral system, outside the House, is based not on demography but on geography.§

Finally, from the excellent Ezra Klein, founder of the news website, Vox : ※Trump’s political rise was so stunning that the media is scared to say about him what we would say about any other president polling this badly, and who lost the House, amidst this economy … He’s failing politically. He’s an anchor on his party.§

3:45 AM : In our view there is indeed a civil cold war going on in the USA today. We believe that the growing demographic majority represented by President Obama and the Democrats is bound to win over President Trump and his Republicans in the very end. (Just like the North finally won the shooting Civil War over the South in the 1860s.)

Meanwhile, the long journey to the 2020 US presidential election has now begun. And there are no doubt many further struggles ahead for the great cause of human progress and Democracy in America. Again …? from the halls of Montezuma, to the shores of Tripoli …

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On the 2018 Toronto election … ※it could be worse§ seems the best you can say? https://www.google.com//d17/2018/10/on-the-2018-toronto-election-%e2%80%9cit-could-be-worse%e2%80%9d-seems-the-best-you-can-say/ /d17/2018/10/on-the-2018-toronto-election-%e2%80%9cit-could-be-worse%e2%80%9d-seems-the-best-you-can-say/#comments Tue, 30 Oct 2018 02:18:58 +0000 Randall White /d17/?p=22511

Councillor Ana Bail?o, who grew up ※in the rich cultural diversity of the Davenport area,§ and studied at West Toronto Collegiate and the University of Toronto, appeared as deputy mayor at John Tory*s first press conference of his second term as Mayor of Toronto. A city councillor since 2010 Ms Bail?o also won more than 83% of the 2018 vote in the new Ward 9 : Davenport.

The day itself was an entire week ago now, but no matter …

The drama of the 2018 municipal election in Canada*s current largest city was all before election day.

The somewhat Trumpian Doug Ford, new premier of Canada*s most populous province of Ontario (and failed Toronto mayoral candidate in 2014), finally managed to reduce the size of city council from 44 to 25 members, in the middle of the campaign!

His quest may have had its moments 〞 notwithstanding an ultimately unnecessary appeal to the fabled ※notwithstanding clause§ in Canada*s Constitution Act, 1982.

In the end, however, it just set the stage for a traditionally boring municipal election 〞 nicely summarized in Denise Balkissoon*s Globe and Mail report, ※Meet the new Toronto Council, same as the old Toronto Council

(And in the Toronto Star see Edward Keenan*s ※Toronto*s new council has as many &Michaels* as visible minorities.§)

To start with, reducing the size of council seems to have strengthened the local political system*s longstanding bias towards incumbents 〞 those who have already served on council, and whose names are well enough known among the traditional minority of the electorate who vote.

Michael Thompson from Scarborough cuts Canadian flag cake at citizenship ceremony in Toronto, February 19, 2014. A longtime conservative councillor (since 2003), he returned as both one of the four ※people of colour§ and one of the four Michaels on the slimmed down 25-member Toronto City Council of 2018.

After the 2018 election in Toronto there are only ※four new faces on a 25-member council.§ For further intelligence see ※Rookies on Toronto city council could hold balance of power§ in the Toronto Star, by Jennifer Pagliaro, David Rider, and Samantha Beattie.

The same Star piece also notes? : ※Looking at previous vote records and past allegiances on council, it appears there are 10 very reliable votes for [now re-elected Mayor John] Tory, including his own, and seven stalwart progressives. The rest are somewhere in the middle …§

A bare majority on the new 25-member council (plus one mayor = 26) is 14. Graphic material at the end of the Pagliaro-Rider-Beattie report in the Toronto Star notes that, strictly speaking there are now 20 ※incumbents§ and five ※new councillors.§

(Shelley Carroll in ※Ward 17 〞 Don Valley North§ 〞 resigned her earlier council seat to run unsuccessfully in this past June*s Ontario provincial election. So she technically qualifies as a ※new councillor.§ But : ※Prior to her provincial bid, she represented the former Ward 33 on city council? [Don Valley East] for 15 years.§)

The same Star graphic material divides the new 25-member council ideologically into 12 ※right councillors§, nine ※left councillors§, and four ※unknown§.

As a further sign of just how much the present is trapped in the past, the ※unknown§ on this reading are the otherwise designated ※new councillors§ above, less Shelley Carroll.

Re-elected Mayor John Tory and family watch winning returns on election night 2018.

(And even here the four ※new faces§ 〞 as still further above 〞 include Mike Colle. He is a former member of the Ontario provincial parliament at Queen*s Park, and before that a municipal politician in the old local federalist days of Metro Toronto. He has now successfully run to replace his retiring son Josh Colle, on the current amalgamated City of Toronto council. )

I have four further quick notes to add on all this : (1)? Voter turnout in 2018 and 2014 … a tale of two quite different city elections ; (2) When will the ※new very diverse Toronto in the inner suburbs§ show up on city council? ; (3) NOW magazine and Jennifer Keesmaat as a winner anyway ;? (4) Finally getting John Tory*s ancestry right … he*s not really descended from the early 19th century Family Compact or even the mid 19th century Tory Toronto Charles Dickens found so ※appalling§ … but the mayor*s great grandfather (it seems) did welcome Winston Churchill to Toronto in 1929, not long before the historic great stock market crash in New York.

Those who may want to pursue these matters still further can click on ※Read the rest of this page§ and/or scroll below!

(1)? Voter turnout in 2018 and 2014

Satirical election sign from 2014 campaign 〞 ※Anyone*s better than Rob Ford§. (And the anyone turned out to be John Tory!)

Some more detailed official election results from the City of Toronto are still ※coming soon.§ In round numbers, however, initial unofficial results put 2018 voter turnout at about 41% of the registered electorate.

This is down a lot from the 60% of 2014 or even the 51% of 2010 . But it is also close to the 43%? city-wide voter turnout average across all three Toronto municipal elections of 2003, 2006 and 2010. (And close enough as well to the 43% average voter turnout for all municipal elections across Ontario in 2014.)

The 2014 Toronto election focussed on an unusually competitive mayoralty race, in the immediate wake of former Mayor Rob Ford*s troubled administration. The 60% municipal turnout that year was higher than in the 2014 Ontario provincial election (51%) 〞 or even the most recent Ontario election of this past June (58%).

The 2010 Toronto election also involved an unusually competitive mayoralty race that the rising right-wing populist Rob Ford finally won, to much surprise. (A kind of local prelude to Donald Trump in the USA of 2016, and Doug Ford in Ontario in 2018.) In 2018 the city has apparently reverted to earlier less dramatic local norms.

Olivia Chow with her stepson, Toronto councillor Mike Layton, summer 2012. Another stalwart progressive, the son of the late former federal New Democratic leader Jack Layton was also easily re-elected in 2018 for Ward 11 每 University-Rosedale, with just shy of 70% of the total riding vote.

In 2014 John Tory was the former Ontario Progressive Conservative leader who managed to defeat both the more aggressively right-wing populist heir of Rob Ford, elder brother Doug Ford, and the more aggressively left-wing progressive (and widow of former federal NDP leader Jack Layton), Olivia Chow.

The 2014 election was a referendum on the future of the Ford Nation in Toronto city politics. John Tory proved the more moderate guy who could slay the dragon, with 40.3% of the city-wide vote (compared to 33.7% for Doug Ford and 23.2% for Ms Chow).

In 2018 all the opinion polls beforehand had shown the (somewhat) more moderate dragonslayer of 2014 would easily win again 〞 and he did, with 63.5%? of the city-wide vote (compared to? 23.6% for his nearest challenger, former chief city planner Jennifer Keesmaat).

Whatever else, the tradition of boring elections in Toronto municipal politics (and subsequent boring city governments 〞 remember eg the long and maybe happy age of Mayor Art Eggleton, 1980每1991) has apparently returned in 2018.

Some will? say this is a good thing. Others will not.

In either case life will go on, in some kind of orderly manner. And that probably is what the majority of the 41% who voted in 2018 would like to see … more or less (and again maybe??).

(2) When will the ※new very diverse Toronto in the inner suburbs§ show up on city council?

Councillor Kristyn Wong-Tam introduces a motion during debate on Ontario Government's legislation to reduce the size of Toronto City Council, on Thursday September 13, 2018. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Chris Young. She returned to the reduced Council as the member for Ward 13 每 Toronto Centre on October 22.

Both Denise Balkissoon and Edward Keenan (see above) have expressed reasonable concerns about how even though ※51 per cent of Torontonians identify as visible minorities§ as of the 2016 census, there were only ※four people of colour elected to the new city council§ in 2018.

Moreover, the ※15 per cent of council represented by visible minorities these four councillors make up actually sets a record high§ in Toronto municipal elections.

One side of all this is that democratic city politics has traditionally been about, say, 30 years behind the evolving urban society it ought to ultimately reflect.

In his now ancient study Urban Political Systems : A Functional Analysis of Metro Toronto the political scientist Harold Kaplan noted long ago that the ※Metro political elite§ of the early 1960s, eg, ※represented less the Toronto of 1962 than the Toronto of 1932 〞 a tightly integrated, socially homogeneous, middle-class community, dedicated to the Crown and Empire, the Conservative Party, the Toronto Telegram, the Anglican Church, temperance, and Sunday blue laws … Under-represented … were Catholics, Italians, and eastern Europeans …§

The Toronto political elite elected to the 2018 city council might similarly be said to better represent the local urban scene of 1988, when ※visible minorities§ and ※people of colour§ were still not in even a bare demographic majority 〞 but ※Catholics, Italians, and eastern Europeans§ were starting to stroll the local corridors of political power at last.

Mayor Rob Ford and Councillor Michael Thompson toast the 50th anniversary of the independence of Jamaica, Tuesday April 12, 2011 in Toronto.

When will the new Toronto that now embraces the wider global village of East Asia, South Asia, and Africa (north and south) as well as Europe beyond the United Kingdom 〞 and that is increasingly lodged in the old ※inner suburbs§ of Etobicoke, East York, and Scarborough 〞? move beyond the narrow world of Denzil Minnan-Wong, Michael Thompson, Kristyn Wong-Tam, and newcomer Cynthia Lai?

Shawn Micallef has already offered an early look at the struggles of the new very diverse Toronto now putting down deep roots in the old inner suburbs to build political muscles commensurate with its new demographic strength, in his lively 2016 study, Frontier City : Toronto on the Verge if Greatness. (I don*t personally believe Toronto is on the verge of greatness exactly, whatever that may mean nowadays, but Mr. Micallef has nonetheless written an interesting book!)

What the 2018 election has shown is that these struggles are still some distance from any major political fruition. (And reducing the size of city council from 44 to 25 members has almost certainly lengthened the time before any such fruition finally arrives in any full-blown form?)

(3) NOW magazine and Jennifer Keesmaat as a winner anyway

Jennifer Keesmaat on the campaign trail, Toronto Labour Day Parade 2018.

Ever since longtime editor and publisher Alice Klein announced that Toronto’s NOW Magazine will no longer carry sex ads in the back of its hard-copy printed edition (as of this past September 6), it has somehow seemed to me a more politically credible publication.

In some similar (if not exactly accurate) spirit, I was especially impressed by Enzo DiMatteo*s helpful report on the results of the October 22, 2018 municipal election this October 23.

(At the same time, Mr DiMatteo has apparently been working at NOW since ※the early 90s§ and?first became a news editor there on September 11, 2001. Almost certainly the disappearance of sex ads from the print edition has just been playing tricks on my mind. NOW*s political coverage has probably been better than I*ve customarily thought for some time??)

In any case I was impressed by (or if you prefer ※agreed with§) a number of? ?Enzo DiMatteo*s particular views on the 2018 Toronto election results (if of course not by everything he wrote in ※Toronto Election 2018: Winners and losers … John Tory wins big 〞 too bad we can’t say the same for local democracy or council diversity.§) Eg :

* ※The numbers say [mayoral candidate Jennifer] Keesmaat was soundly defeated, as she captured only 23 per cent of the vote. But … the die was cast for Tory the moment Ford … decided to cut council in half without moving the deadline for mayoral candidates to register. Keesmaat nevertheless threw herself into the fight at the 11th-hour in an attempt to bring some measure of accountability to the race. She was the city’s best chance at keeping Ford in check.§ (And like the Mike Harris who was soundly defeated in his first election as Ontario PC leader, Ms Keesmaat may well have a much larger political future ahead.)

Eritrean-Canadian human rights lawyer Saron Gebresellassi ※finished well behind, but encouraged many who feel disenfranchised to vote for the first time.§ And she ※arrived in a horse drawn carriage for her election-night party§!!!!

* ※Eritrean-Canadian human rights lawyer§ Saron Gebresellassi ※ran a values-based campaign that spoke to racialized Torontonians. She finished well behind, but encouraged many who feel disenfranchised to vote for the first time. She arrived in a horse drawn carriage for her election-night party. Now that*s chutzpah.§

* Despite winning with more than 60% of the city-wide vote, so far the re-elected Mayor John Tory ※hasn*t accomplished anything remotely approaching visionary. It’s been back to meat and potatoes issues, like keeping property taxes low, under his watch. Meanwhile, Toronto is headed for a financial iceberg.§ (And as the print but not the digital edition of? DiMatteo*s piece further explained : ※A whopping $22 billion and growing represents the amount in unfunded capital projects§ 〞 as former city manager Peter Wallace was stressing before he left this past March.)

* ※Ford*s assault on democracy [ie suddenly moving from 44 to 25 council seats in the middle of the campaign] undercut what was shaping up to be the most diverse city government we*d ever seen …? Council’s left wing still control about half the 25 seats but just like under Rob Ford, they will have to rely on a handful of councillors who now make up the mushy middle to carry votes over Tory. That will be a trickier proposition this term.§? (The Toronto Star may not agree that the left wing ※still control about half the 25 seats,§ but it probably would second the motion ※That will be a trickier proposition this term.§)

(4)? Finally getting John Tory*s ancestry right

In 2018 yet again Gord Perks, one of Council*s continuing ※stalwart progressives§ and one of ※John Tory*s most strident critics§ won re-election comfortably in Ward 4 〞 Parkdale-High Park.

I have a few times in the past urged (albeit strictly verbally and among friends and colleagues, never in print or digitally 〞 I think) that John Tory is a descendant of an ancient ※Tory Toronto§ governing elite (aka ruling class, ※Family Compact,§ etc), stretching back to the early 19th century.

Now that Mayor Tory (2014 〞 20??) has democratically won more than 60% of the city-wide vote in the 2018 municipal election, I thought I ought to at least check into this rather vague instinct. It drew on some research I undertook many years ago, for an aspiring article on ※Winston Church in Toronto§ that no one finally seemed interested in publishing at the time.

More exactly, I discovered that on Saturday, August 17, 1929 the old Globe in Toronto (still several years before its Depression-era merger with the old Mail and Empire) reported on a luncheon address in the banquet room of the new Royal York Hotel the day before, by the visiting Winston Churchill. (Then on a North American tour to occupy some political down time, accompanied by his son, his brother, and his nephew).

In its report the Globe noted that the eminent local businessman John A. Tory had declared : ※Perhaps no Empire statesman appealed so strongly to Toronto citizens as Mr. Churchill.§

Ken Thomson (left), leader of the international media empire begun by his father, Roy Thomson, and his lawyer and business advisor, John A. Tory (the second, right), late father of today*s Toronto Mayor John H. Tory 〞 ※circa 1984§.

I somehow seem to have taken this declaration, made a full century after the heyday of the old Family Compact that the Mackenzie rebellion of 1837 railed against (ultimately leading to the start of Canada*s modern parliamentary democracy in 1848) as a sign that present-day Mayor Tory*s lineage stretches back to the earliest days of a now quite ancient Tory Toronto.

A Đặt cược miễn phí ngay bây giờ 2019deft obituary by Sandra Martin in 2011 for the present Mayor Tory*s father, John A. Tory, has now made clear to me that I have been exaggerating the longevity of the current elite Tory family in the Tory Toronto past. (It was btw in 1842 that Charles Dickens, on his first North American tour, wrote to his friend John Forster : ※The wild and rabid Toryism of Toronto is, I speak seriously, appalling§ 〞 as reported in? Forster*s Life of Charles Dickens published in the 1870s.)

Thanks to Ms Martin*s more exhaustive research, I can now report that there are two historic Toronto elite figures named John A. Tory. The second, as it were, is the present mayor John (H.) Tory*s father, who was born in Toronto in 1930, and sadly passed away in 2011. The first is the grandfather of Mayor Tory*s father (or Mayor Tory*s great grandfather). He was born in Nova Scotia in the late 1860s, but ※ended up in Toronto as head of the Ontario division of Sun Life Assurance Company.§

Mayor John Tory and constituents at ※the very first Taste of Jane & Finch food truck festival,§ late September 2018.

It can only have been this first John A. Tory (in his early 60s at the time) who told? the Royal York Hotel audience gathered to hear a touring Winston Churchill in the summer of 1929 : ※Perhaps no Empire statesman appealed so strongly to Toronto citizens as Mr. Churchill.§

As Đặt cược miễn phí ngay bây giờ 2019 has finally helped me understand as well, it was the first John A*s son (and the present mayor*s grandfather), John S.D. Tory, who founded the business now known as Torys LLP 〞 a ※Canadian international corporate law firm with offices in Toronto, Calgary, New York, Montreal and Halifax.§

So … today*s Mayor Tory does not come from quite as old an old Toronto family as I once no doubt somewhat foolishly and even ideologically imagined. But the old Tory Toronto patrician surface that still stands out, even when he*s wearing a Toronto Maple Leafs windbreaker while campaigning among we the unwashed voters, does have venerable enough roots in his great grandfather*s generation

I should very finally say myself that, unlike some very close to me, I share many of the reservations about Mayor Tory*s broad policy approach to Toronto life expressed in Enzo DiMatteo*s? NOW magazine report on the 2018 Toronto municipal election.

At the same time, I*d agree that Mayor John H. Tory*s old Toronto patrician democracy of the early 21st century has been a welcome enough relief from the latest appalling wild and rabid Toronto Toryism of the late Rob Ford (may he rest in peace). And it is to Mayor Tory*s credit that during the televised public celebration of his October 22, 2018 victory his adult children warmly explained how he now makes them call him ※Your Worship§ at family gatherings.

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